Tim
Russert:
And we are in the Oval Office this morning with the President of
the United States. Mr. President, welcome back to Meet The Press.
"President"
George W. Bush: Thank you, sir.
Russert:
On Friday, you announced a committee, commission to look into intelligence
failures regarding the Iraq war and our entire intelligence community.
You have been reluctant to do that for some time. Why?
President
Bush: Well, first let me kind of step back and talk about intelligence
in general, if I might. Intelligence is a vital part of fighting
and winning the war against the terrorists. It is because the war
against terrorists is a war against individuals who hide in caves
in remote parts of the world, individuals who have these kind of
shadowy networks, individuals who deal with rogue nations. So, we
need a good intelligence system. We need really good intelligence.
So, the
commission I set up is to obviously analyze what went right or what
went wrong with the Iraqi intelligence. It was kind of lessons learned.
But it's really set up to make sure the intelligence services provide
as good a product as possible for future presidents as well. This
is just a part of analyzing where we are on the war against terror.
There
is a lot of investigations going on about the intelligence service,
particularly in the Congress, and that's good as well. The Congress
has got the capacity to look at the intelligence gathering without
giving away state secrets, and I look forward to all the investigations
and looks.
Again,
I repeat to you, the capacity to have good intelligence means that
a president can make good calls about fighting this war on terror.
Translation:
Nowhere in my response is there an answer to the question
you posed.
Russert:
Prime Minister Blair has set up a similar commission in Great Britain.
President
Bush: Yeah.
Translation:
We thought the limey bastard was on our side. Damn socialists.
Russert:
His is going to report back in July. Ours is not going to be until
March of 2005, five months after the presidential election.
President
Bush: Yeah.
Translation:
Absofuckinglutely. You're going to ask me to defend that now and
I am going to lie with a straight face.
Russert:
Shouldn't the American people have the benefit of the Commission
before the election?
President
Bush: Well, the reason why we gave it time is because we didn't
want it to be hurried. This is a strategic look, kind of a big picture
look about the intelligence gathering capacities of the United States
of America, whether it be the capacity to gather intelligence in
North Korea or how we've used our intelligence to, for example,
learn more information about AQ Kahn. And it's important that this
investigation take its time.
Now,
look, we are in a political season. I fully understand people He's
trying to avoid responsibility. There is going to be ample time
for the American people to assess whether or not I made a good calls,
whether or not I used good judgment, whether or not I made the right
decision in removing Saddam Hussein from power, and I look forward
to that debate, and I look forward to talking to the American people
about why I made the decisions I made.
The commission
I set up, Tim, is one that will help future presidents understand
how best to fight the war on terror, and it's an important part
of the kind of lessons learned in Iraq and lessons learned in Afghanistan
prior to us going in, lessons learned that we can apply to both
Iran and North Korea because we still have a dangerous world. And
that's very important for, I think, the people to understand where
I'm coming from to know that this is a dangerous world. I wish it
wasn't.
I'm a
war president. I make decisions here in the Oval Office in foreign
policy matters with war on my mind. Again, I wish it wasn't true,
but it is true. And the American people need to know they got a
president who sees the world the way it is. And I see dangers that
exist, and it's important for us to deal with them.
Translation:
You're absolutely right, Tim, we'd prefer if the results
of that report never came out and we're going to see to it that
the investigation is as weak and thwarted as possible, but we *definitely*
don't want a peep out of that commission before the election. In
fact, we're trying to get the Brits to put off publishing their
report until mid-November at the earliest. Also, "I'm a war
president" is a cool slogan. It makes me sound manly and capable.
Russert:
Will you testify before the commission?
President
Bush: This commission? You know, I don't testify? I will be
glad to visit with them. I will be glad to share with them knowledge.
I will be glad to make recommendations, if they ask for some.
I'm interested
in getting, I'm interested in making sure the intelligence gathering
works well.
Listen,
we got some five let me let me, again, just give you a sense of
where I am on the intelligence systems of America. First of all,
I strongly believe the CIA is ably led by George Tenet. He comes
and briefs me on a regular basis about what he and his analysts
see in the world.
Translation:
Fuck, no. My handlers will see to it that I am never asked to testify.
That indignity will be reserved for those officials whom we have
handpicked to take the fall. Anyone we want out, we make them hang
out our dirty laundry and take the rap for its stains. Neat, huh?
Russert:
His job is not in jeopardy?
President
Bush: No, not at all, not at all. We've got people working hard
in intelligence gathering around the world to get as good an information
as possible.
Intelligence
requires, you know, all kinds of assets to bring information to
the President, and I want that intelligence service to be strong,
viable, competent, confident, and provide good product to the President
so I can make judgment calls.
Translation:
Intelligence is not something I know much about (sic).
If it backs up what we were planning to do anyway, great, we'll
use it ex post facto. We're getting shit for mounting the Iraq war
without evidence that that royal nutjob Saddam had WMDs so we've
gotta pretend that we had intelligence that told us he did; therefore,
someone has to take the heat for providing us with bad intelligence.
Sorry, Georgey-porgy.
Russert:
There is another commission right now looking into September 11th.
President
Bush: Yeah.
Translation:
We've got to let these damn commissions go through their motions
because they make us seem all open and self-critical. But if we
could just do away with this pesky separation of powers thing, we
wouldn't have to worry about that anymore.
Russert:
Will you testify before that commission?
President
Bush: We have given extraordinary cooperation with Chairmen
Kean and Hamilton. As you know, we made an agreement on what's called
"Presidential Daily Briefs," and they could see the information
the CIA provided me that is unique, by the way, to have provided
what's called the PDB, because. . .
Russert:
Presidential Daily Brief?
President
Bush: Right.
And see,
the danger of allowing for information that I get briefed on out
in the public arena is that it could mean that the product I I receive
or future presidents receive is somewhat guarded for fear of for
fear of it being revealed, and for fear of people saying, Well,
you know, we're going to second-guess that which you told the President.
I need
good, honest information, but we have shared this information with
both those gentlemen, gentlemen I trust, so they could get a better
picture of what took place prior to September the 11th.
And again,
we want I want the truth to be known. I want there to be a full
analysis done so that we can better prepare the homeland, for example,
against what might occur.
And this
is all in the context of war, and the more we learn about, you know,
what took place in the past, the more we are going to be able to
better prepare for future attacks.
Translation:
I was fuckin' gobsmacked by 9/11, along with the rest of the country.
My VBDs, er, PDBs, may have contained intelligence, that, if anyone
who read them (which did not include me, natch) had an IQ above
room temperature or their concerns on anything but scamming government
contracts, they might have concluded that a terrorist attack was
imminent. But you know what? I doubt it. I don't think our spooks
knew this shit was gonna go down. But, if it turns out they did,
you can be damn sure we won't admit it unless we can pin the failing
on cuts Clinton made to defense spending.
Russert:
Would you submit for questioning, though, to the 9/11 Commission?
President
Bush: Perhaps, perhaps.
Translation:
Safe answer. If I say "no," it will antagonize people
needlessly. I've been told to always equivocate with hypothetical
questions so my response can't come back to haunt me.
Russert:
Senator Charles Grassley, a Republican. . .
President
Bush: Yes.
Translation:
He's on my side.
Russert:
. . .said he is absolutely convinced we will capture Osama bin Laden
before the election.
President
Bush: Well, I appreciate his optimism. I have no idea whether
we will capture or bring him to justice, may be the best way to
put it. I know we are on the hunt, and Osama bin Laden is a cold
blooded killer, and he represents the nature of the enemy that we
face.
These
are these are people that will kill on a moment's notice, and they
will kill innocent women and children. And he's hiding, and we're
trying to find him.
There's
a I know there is a lot of focus on Iraq, and there should be, but
we've got thousands of troops, agents, allies on the hunt, and we
are doing a pretty good job of dismantling al Qaeda, better than
a pretty good job, a very good job. I keep saying in my speeches,
two thirds of known al Qaeda leaders have been captured or killed,
and that's the truth.
Translation:
We were doing a good job until we turned our attention to Iraq.
Al Qaeda is now revamping but we know fuck all about what they're
planning next or how many leaders they've got coming up through
the ranks. We keep moving the alerts up and down, every time there
is static on our cell phones, so that the American public believes
that we are on top of the situation--that's very important in an
election year. We're the Republicans, the party that Americans trust
for homeland security, because we tell them to.
Russert:
Do you have a pretty good idea where Osama is?
President
Bush: You know, I'm not going to comment on that.
Translation:
Not a fucking clue but saying that makes me sound all mysterious
and knowledgeable, like I am the macho guardian of national security
and in on all kinds of secret intel. Clinton would have just laughed
and said, "You know I wouldn't tell you if I knew." That's
the difference between us.
Russert:
Let me turn to Iraq. And this is the whole idea of what you
based your decision to go to war on.
President
Bush: Sure, sure.
Translation:
That's what I'm here for, dude. Let's roll.
Russert:
The night you took the country to war, March 17th, you said
this: "Intelligence gathered by this and other governments
leaves no doubt that the Iraq regime continues to possess and conceal
some of the most lethal weapons ever devised."
President
Bush: Right.
Translation:
I did?
Russert:
That apparently is not the case.
President
Bush: Correct.
Translation:
This is the question I was expecting and which I have been well-prepared
for so don't expect to learn anything from my non-answer.
Russert:
How do you respond to critics who say that you brought the nation
to war under false pretenses?
President
Bush: The. . . first of all, I expected to find the weapons.
Sitting behind this desk making a very difficult decision of war
and peace, and I based my decision on the best intelligence possible,
intelligence that had been gathered over the years, intelligence
that not only our analysts thought was valid but analysts from other
countries thought were valid.
And I
made a decision based upon that intelligence in the context of the
war against terror. In other words, we were attacked, and therefore
every threat had to be reanalyzed. Every threat had to be looked
at. Every potential harm to America had to be judged in the context
of this war on terror.
And I
made the decision, obviously, to take our case to the international
community in the hopes that we could do this achieve a disarmament
of Saddam Hussein peacefully. In other words, we looked at the intelligence.
And we remembered the fact that he had used weapons, which meant
he had weapons. We knew the fact that he was paying for suicide
bombers. We knew the fact he was funding terrorist groups. In other
words, he was a dangerous man. And that was the intelligence I was
using prior to the run-up to this war.
Now,
let me which is--this is a vital question. . .
Russert:
Nothing more important.
President
Bush: Vital question.
And so
we--I expected there to be stockpiles of weapons. But David Kay
has found the capacity to produce weapons. And when David Kay goes
in and says we haven't found stockpiles yet, and there's theories
as to where the weapons went. They could have been destroyed during
the war. Saddam and his henchmen could have destroyed them as we
entered into Iraq. They could be hidden. They could have been transported
to another country, and we'll find out. That's what the Iraqi survey
group let me let me finish here.
But David
Kay did report to the American people that Saddam had the capacity
to make weapons. Saddam Hussein was dangerous with weapons. Saddam
Hussein was dangerous with the ability to make weapons. He was a
dangerous man in the dangerous part of the world.
And I
made the decision to go to the United Nations.
By the
way, quoting a lot of their data in other words, this is unaccounted
for stockpiles that you thought he had because I don't think America
can stand by and hope for the best from a madman, and I believe
it is essential I believe it is essential that when we see a threat,
we deal with those threats before they become imminent. It's too
late if they become imminent. It's too late in this new kind of
war, and so that's why I made the decision I made.
Translation:
I wasn't involved in the decision but my guys figured
that the War on Terror provided a good cover for taking out Saddam.
We are sticking to our story that we had faulty intelligence claiming
Iraq had WMDs. We thought it was a safe strategy because, once Iraq
was liberated and a puppet regime installed, Saddam publicly humiliated,
with very little American effort, we'd be The Man and no one would
look back and say, "Hey, didn't you say. . .?" 'Course,
people are sayin' that and now we have to either pull those WMDs
out of our asses or make the spooks take the rap for giving us bad
intel. Actually, I thought the old camelfucker would have some weapons
stashed, even if they were as rusty as the ones disintegrating in
the former USSR. We wouldn't have to show the rust on camera, of
course.
Russert:
Mr. President, the Director of the CIA said that his briefings had
qualifiers and caveats, but when you spoke to the country, you said
"there is no doubt." When Vice President Cheney spoke
to the country, he said "there is no doubt." Secretary
Powell, "no doubt." Secretary Rumsfeld, "no doubt,
we know where the weapons are." You said, quote, "The
Iraqi regime is a threat of unique urgency." "Saddam Hussein
is a threat that we must deal with as quickly as possible."
You gave
the clear sense that this was an immediate threat that must be dealt
with.
President
Bush: I think, if I might remind you that in my language I called
it a grave and gathering threat, but I don't want to get into word
contests. But what I do want to share with you is my sentiment at
the time. There was no doubt in my mind that Saddam Hussein was
a danger to America.
[CROSSTALK]
Translation:
You're starting to piss me off, Tim. The terms of my
appearance stipulated that my people would have all questions in
advance so they could prepare my answers and I could memorize them.
I'm good at memorizing things, that's why I always know exactly
what I was told to say, even if it was a year ago. You're not going
to corner me by throwing up old quotes. Until the Iraq war, our
strategy was to say as much as we needed to put a veneer of legitimacy
on whatever we were going to do. When that stopped working, we shifted
to flat-out lying, a ploy that continues to serve us well with the
gullible public. I wouldn't have agreed to be on this show unless
I knew that it would work to my advantage in the election. So far,
so good.
Russert:
In what way?
President
Bush: Well, because he had the capacity to have a weapon, make
a weapon. We thought he had weapons. The international community
thought he had weapons. But he had the capacity to make a weapon
and then let that weapon fall into the hands of a shadowy terrorist
network.
It's
important for people to understand the context in which I made a
decision here in the Oval Office. I'm dealing with a world in which
we have gotten struck by terrorists with airplanes, and we get intelligence
saying that there is, you know, we want to harm America. And the
worst nightmare scenario for any president is to realize that these
kind of terrorist networks had the capacity to arm up with some
of these deadly weapons, and then strike us.
And the
President of the United States' most solemn responsibility is to
keep this country secure. And the man was a threat, and we dealt
with him, and we dealt with him because we cannot hope for the best.
We can't say, Let's don't deal with Saddam Hussein. Let's hope he
changes his stripes, or let's trust in the goodwill of Saddam Hussein.
Let's let us, kind of, try to contain him. Containment doesn't work
with a man who is a madman. And remember, Tim, he had used weapons
against his own people.
Translation:
Yeah, Tim, don't forget that, even if it was during the
80s, back when he was our ally and we were selling him weapons.
Look, dude, he could have had weapons--we sold him shit, the French
sold him shit, god knows the Ruskies must have sold him shit. We
were lying when we said we knew he had them but, to tell you the
truth, for the first and last time, I'm pretty fuckin' gobsmacked
that we haven't found any so far. And, believe me, we will turn
over every grain of sand in that desert hellhole till we find something
we can claim that, if you hold it up to the light, might be used
as a WMD. Like an Iraqi boy's slingshot--you could lob a grenade
a fair distance with one of those--I know 'cuz we used to do it
in Guard practice. That loser that said he was comin' home, givin'
up because he was sick of sifting thru piles of sand? He's out on
his ass but we've got plenty of goons to replace him.
Russert:
But can you launch a preemptive war without iron clad, absolute
intelligence that he had weapons of mass destruction?
President
Bush: Let me take a step back for a second and there is no such
thing necessarily in a dictatorial regime of iron clad absolutely
solid evidence. The evidence I had was the best possible evidence
that he had a weapon.
Translation:
I could and I did.
Russert:
But it may have been wrong.
President
Bush: Well, but what wasn't wrong was the fact that he had the
ability to make a weapon. That wasn't right.
Translation:
Touuuuuuuuugh shit.
Russert:
This is an important point because when you say that he has
biological and chemical weapons and unmanned aerial vehicles. .
.
President
Bush: Which he had.
Russert:
. . .and they could come and attack the United States, you are
saying to the American people: we have to deal now with a man who
has these things.
President
Bush: That's exactly what I said.
Translation:
Give it up, Timmy, what do you expect me to say? "Yes, it was
wrong to launch the war without proof. Mea culpa." Dream the
fuck on.
Russert:
And if that's not the case, do you believe if you had gone to
the Congress and said he should be removed because he's a threat
to his people but I'm not sure he has weapons of mass destruction,
Congress would authorize war?
President
Bush: I went to Congress with the same intelligence. Congress
saw the same intelligence I had, and they looked at exactly what
I looked at, and they made an informed judgment based upon the information
that I had. The same information, by the way, that my predecessor
had. And all of us, you know, made this judgment that Saddam Hussein
needed to be removed.
You mentioned
"preemption." If I might, I went to the United Nations
and said, Here is what we know, you know, at this moment, and you
need to act. After all, you are the body that issued resolution
after resolution after resolution, and he ignored those resolutions.
So, in
other words, when you say "preemption," it almost sounds
like, well, Mr. President, you decided to move. What I decided to
do was to go to the international community and see if we could
not disarm Saddam Hussein peacefully through international pressure.
You remember
U.N. Security Council Resolution 1441 clearly stated show us your
arms and destroy them, or your programs and destroy them. And we
said, there are serious consequences if you don't. That was a unanimous
verdict. In other words, the worlds of the U.N. Security Council
said we're unanimous and you're a danger. So, it wasn't just me
and the United States. The world thought he was dangerous and needed
to be disarmed.
And,
of course, he defied the world once again.
In my
judgment, when the United States says there will be serious consequences,
and if there isn't serious consequences, it creates adverse consequences.
People look at us and say, they don't mean what they say, they are
not willing to follow through.
And by
the way, by clearly stating policy, whether it be in Afghanistan
or stating the policy that we expect you, Mr. Saddam Hussein, to
disarm, your choice to disarm, but if you don't, there will be serious
consequences in following through, it has had positive effects in
the world. Libya, for example, there was a positive effect in Libya
where Moammar Khaddafy voluntarily disclosed his weapons programs
and agreed to dismantle dismantle them, and the world is a better
place as a result of that. And the world is a safer and better place
as a result of Saddam Hussein not being in power.
Translation:
Uh, no, that's why we didn't say that. And that's why
we strong-armed the Security Council into very reluctantly pretending
to back us, at least briefly, before they knew our full plans. The
world thinks we're criminally insane but our official response to
world opinion always has been and continues to be, "Nyah, nyah,
nyah, what are ya going to do about it?" (sticks out tongue).
God, it's good to be the big kid on the block.
Russert:
There is a sense in the country that the intelligence that was given
was ambiguous, and that you took it and molded it and shaped it,
your opponents have said "hyped" it, and rushed to war.
President
Bush: Yeah.
Translation:
So? This is like, something new and different? Hello?
We aren't called the most secretive, smoke and mirrors, administration
in our country's history for nothing. We've earned every shred of
distrust. But the American people are so gullible we're not worried--thanks
to you, the media, (kisses Tim Russert), who do most of the work
for us. It's like a game of Chinese whispers. All Press Sec has
to say is that there just might maybe perhaps not really sure be
WMDs in Iraq and, the next day every news outlet in the country
will scream: "IRAQ FULL OF WMDS. WHAT WILL PRESIDENT BUSH DO?"
Fuckin' cakewalk, man.
Russert:
And now, in the world, if you, in the future, say we must go into
North Korea or we must go into Iran because they have nuclear capability,
either this country or the world will say, "Excuse you, Mr.
President, we want it now in hard, cold facts."
President
Bush: Well, Tim, I and my team took the intelligence that was
available to us and we analyzed it, and it clearly said Saddam Hussein
was a threat to America.
Now,
I know I'm getting repetitive, but I'm just trying to make sure
you understand the context in which I was making decisions.
He had
used weapons. He had manufactured weapons. He had funded Suicide
bombers into Israel. He had terrorist connections. In other words,
all of those ingredients said to me: Threat.
The fundamental
question is: Do you deal with the threat once you see it? What in
the war on terror, how do you deal with threats? I dealt with the
threat by taking the case to the world and said, Let's deal with
this. We must deal with it now.
I repeat
to you what I strongly believe that inaction in Iraq would have
emboldened Saddam Hussein. He could have developed a nuclear weapon
over time--I'm not saying immediately, but over time--which would
then have put us in what position? We would have been in a position
of blackmail.
In other
words, you can't rely upon a madman, and he was a madman. You can't
rely upon him making rational decisions when it comes to war and
peace, and it's too late, in my judgment, when a madman who has
got terrorist connections is able to act.
Translation:
See above answer, Tim. And thank you for the opportunity
to repeat that only the Republicans can protect the America, only
we are not afraid to sacrifice hundreds of our brave young men and
women to vague, hypothetical threats. And by the way, isn't it clever
how I am repeatedly insinuating that world opinion backed us.
Russert:
But there are lots of madmen in the world, Fidel Castro. . .
President
Bush: True.
Translation:
I'm not touching that one with a ten-foot cigar. Besides,
he's gonna die soon and Cuba will be open for business--a victory
without expending any political capital and a new market for American
products and services, not to mention a new offshore tax shelter
for my corporate cronies.
Russert:
. . .in Iran, in North Korea, in Burma, and yet we don't go in and
take down those governments.
President
Bush: Correct, and I could that's a legitimate question as to
why we like felt we needed to use force in Iraq and not in North
Korea. And the reason why I felt like we needed to use force in
Iraq and not in North Korea, because we had run the diplomatic string
in Iraq. As a matter of fact, failed diplomacy could embolden Saddam
Hussein in the face of this war we were in. In Iraq I mean, in North
Korea, excuse me, the diplomacy is just beginning. We are making
good progress in North Korea.
As I've
said in my speeches, every situation requires a different response
and a different analysis, and so in Iran there is no question they're
in danger, but the international community is now trying to convince
Iran to get rid of its nuclear weapons program. And on the Korean
peninsula, now the United States and China, along with South Korea
and Japan and Russia, are sending a clear message to Kim Jung Il,
if you are interested in a different relationship, disclose and
destroy your program in a transparent way.
In other
words, the policy of this administration is to be is to be clear
and straightforward and to be realistic about the different threats
that we face.
Translation:
If you believe that about diplomacy working in some places
but not others, I got some swampland to sell you in Florida. It's
protected by some damn wetlands law but don't worry, we'll fix that
just as soon as we win the election. Look, believe it or not, there
are limits to the military resources we have and our asses are overstretched
right now as it is. I've expended enough political capital on Iraq
that I can't spare more until the election is won. But don't worry,
I promise you we'll attack someplace else next spring. Who's been
pissing us off lately, is it Syria? And when I say there is no question
that Iran is in danger, I mean from us. We're hoping they regard
Iraq as a warning -- a warning that they disregard, if you know
what I mean.
Russert:
On Iraq, the vice president said, "we would be greeted as liberators."
President
Bush: Yeah.
Russert:
It's now nearly a year, and we are in a very difficult situation.
Did we miscalculate how we would be treated and received in Iraq?
President
Bush: Well, I think we are welcomed in Iraq. I'm not exactly
sure, given the tone of your questions, we're not. We are welcomed
in Iraq.
Translation:
Fuck yeah, we miscalculated big time. Actually, what
we miscalculated was the amount of time, effort, money, American
lives and spin that it would take to get the situation under control,
as well as the amount of anti-American resistance that would leak
out via the media. We thought we had learned our lesson in Vietnam
to keep the media under tight control and we were so successful
doing that in the Gulf War but, well, things got a little out of
hand this time so our strategy now is to simply deny that we are
not welcomed, even in the face of video evidence to the contrary.
Russert:
Are you surprised by the level and intensity of resistance?
President
Bush: No, I'm not. And the reason I'm not surprised is because
there are people in that part of the world who recognize what a
free Iraq will mean in the war on terror. In other words, there
are people who desperately want to stop the advance of freedom and
democracy because freedom and democracy will be a powerful long
term deterrent to terrorist activities.
See,
free societies are societies that don't develop weapons of mass
terror and don't blackmail the world.
If I
could share some stories with you about some of the people I have
seen from Iraq, the leaders from Iraq, there is no question in my
mind that people that I have seen at least are thrilled with the
activities we've taken. There is a nervousness about their future,
however.
Translation:
Fuck, yeah. Who could have guessed they'd prefer that
wacko camelfucker to capitalism? Of course, we're not surprised
that the terrorists are upset but I know you mean ordinary Iraqis,
who have about as much to do with terrorism as you do.
And
by the way, if "free societies are societies that don't develop
weapons of mass terror and don't blackmail the world," then
we're not a free society, are we? Heh, heh. Ashy will love that
one.
Russert:
If the Iraqi people choose. . .
President
Bush: Well, let me finish on the nervousness. I don't want to
leave it on that note.
There's
nervousness because they're not exactly sure what their form of
government will look like, and there is you can understand why.
In nine months' time, there's--we're now saying, democracy must
flourish. And as I recall from my history, it took us quite a while
here in the United States, but nevertheless we are making progress.
And so,
when you see the debate and the discussion about freedom, those
are welcoming signs as far as I'm concerned. People are saying how
best to develop this system so that we are free and minority rights
are protected.
Translation:
I don't know where I am going with this and I know even less about
history. I just felt I had to pretend to be a teensy bit realistic
and not claim that everything is wine and roses in Iraq. It's not
but we can fix it, we just don't want to. Nation-building is such
a drag. Herding cats--you heard that expression? That's what it's
like trying to establish democracy and capitalism in a country that
has not experienced the Western Enlightenment. I have no idea what
I just said.
Russert:
If the Iraqis choose, however, an Islamic extremist regime, would
you accept that, and would that be better for the United States
than Saddam Hussein?
President
Bush: They're not going to develop that. And the reason I can
say that is because I'm very aware of this basic law they're writing.
They're not going to develop that because right here in the Oval
Office I sat down with Mr. Pachachi and Chalabi and al Hakim, people
from different parts of the country that have made the firm commitment,
that they want a constitution eventually written that recognizes
minority rights and freedom of religion.
I remember
speaking to Mr. al Hakim here, who is a fellow who has lost 63 family
members during the Saddam reign. His brother was one of the people
that was assassinated early on in this past year. I expected to
see a very bitter person. If 63 members of your family had been
killed by a group of people, you would be a little bitter. He obviously
was concerned, but he I said, you know, I'm a Methodist, what are
my chances of success in your country and your vision? And he said,
it's going to be a free society where you can worship freely. This
is a Shiia fellow. And my only point to you is these people are
committed to a pluralistic society. And it's not going to be easy.
The road to democracy is bumpy. It's bumpy particularly because
these are folks that have been terrorized, tortured, brutalized
by Saddam Hussein.
Translation:
No. These people wouldn't know what a pluralistic society was if
it bit them on the ass but we want a puppet government we can control
and a market for American business so ixnay on the towel-head regime.
Besides, if we let the mool-ahs in power, Iraq might start aiding
terrorists, which would generate a pretty nasty backlash against
the administration. So, we're going to handpick for the new governmentt
people who have especial reason to despise Saddam. Hey, it's a start.
We're ordering some Locke translated into Arabic as well. And, uh,
we're writing their constitution, of course. It'll be a nice cut
and paste job, don't worry.
Russert:
You do seem to have changed your mind from the 2000 campaign.
In a debate, you said, "I don't think our troops ought to be
used for what's called 'nation-building.'"
President
Bush: Yes.
Translation:
Me, neither, fuckwad, but what are we supposed to do?
Pack up and go home, leave the keys and take out the trash for the
extremists on our way out? Besides, the troops are too busy dodging
car bombs to do any nation-building. It's more rubble-sifting.
Russert:
We clearly are involved in nation building.
President
Bush: Right. And I also said let me put it in context. I'm not
suggesting you're pulling one of these Washington tricks where you
leave half the equation out.
But I
did say also that our troops must be trained and prepared to fight
and win war and, therefore, make peace more possible. And our troops
were trained to fight and win war, and we did, and a second phase
of the war is now going on. The first phase, of course, was the
Tommy Franks troop movement.
Translation:
I'm going to avoid answering this, if possible.
Russert:
But this is nation building.
President
Bush: Well, it is. That's right, but we're also fighting a war
so that they can build a nation. And [crosstalk] the war is against
terrorists and disgruntled Baathists who are saying we had it good
in the past, and therefore we don't want this new society to spring
up because they have no faith in democracy, and the terrorists who
want to stop the advance of freedom.
And if
I might, people say to me, "Okay, you made a judgment as to
how to secure America for the short term with the Taliban and with
Saddam Hussein, and we are staying on the hunt for al Qaeda, but
what about the long term?" Which is a legitimate question.
And the best way to secure America for the long term is to promote
freedom and a free society and to encourage democracy.
And we
are doing so in a part of the world where people say it can't happen,
but the long term vision and the long term hope is--and I believe
it's going to happen--is that a free Iraq will help change the Middle
East. You may have heard me say we have a forward strategy of freedom
in the Middle East. It's because I believe so strongly that freedom
is etched in everybody's heart I believe that and I believe this
country must continue to lead.
Translation:
Oh, for fuck's sake, you know as well as I do that we hadn't
thought this far ahead. We're flying by the seat of our pants, ok.
We can't back out now and let the country slide into an extremist
towel-head regime or we will sooo lose the election. We've got some
guys on the job that claim they know from nation-building. You'll
have to, uh, trust them. How do ya like my new line, "freedom
is etched in everybody's heart." Brings a tear to yer eye,
don't it? Expect to hear it forty thousand times before the election.
Maybe we'll even do bumperstickers.
Russert:
Are you now willing to allow the United Nations to play a central
role in the reconstruction?
President
Bush: In the recon in spending our money, no. They don't want
to spend our money, the money that was appropriated by the United
States Congress I think you're talking about, but they will play
a vital role in helping the Iraqis determine the proper course to
democracy.
Translation:
I know you're not confusing the UN and Congress, I was
just trying to obfru. . ., obfust. . . make my answer even less
clear. Actually, we'd like the Frogs and the Krauts and whomever
else to take over so we can get our troops out before they all come
home in body bags but we haven't figured out a way to do that yet
and still seem manly and macho and victorious. It has too much of
a sending-the-cleaning-crew-in-to-pick-up-our-mess air about it.
Russert:
In transferring power, the U.N. will play a central role?
President
Bush: Yeah. I call it a vital role because there is a lot of
roles being played by different players, but the U.N. will play
and this role is a very important role. It says to the Iraqi citizens
who again are trying to figure out the right balance as they head
toward this new democracy after years of after years of being enslaved
by a tyrant--how best to do this, and I think it's very helpful
to have the stamp of the international community be placed upon
the political process.
In terms
of reconstruction, of course we want the international community
to participate, and they are. There is a lot of participation by
the international community in restoring this infrastructure of
the country of Iraq that Saddam Hussein had just totally I shouldn't
say "totally," but destroyed a lot of. . .
Translation:
Anything to do with power or lucrative contracts is our
bag, baby.
Russert:
Before we take a break, now that we have determined there are probably
not these stockpiles of weapons that we had thought, and the primary
rationale for the war had been to disarm Saddam Hussein, Paul Wolfowitz,
the Deputy Defense Secretary, said that you had settled on weapons
of mass destruction as an issue we could agree on, but there were
three. "One was the weapons of mass destruction, the second
is the support for terrorism, and third is Saddam's criminal treatment
of his Iraqi people."
He said
the "third one by itself is a reason to help Iraqis but it's
not a reason to put American kids' lives at risk, certainly not
on the scale we did."
President
Bush: Um hmm.
Translation:
Wasting your time, Rusty. I'm well-prepared on the kids' lives thing.
Russert:
Now looking back, in your mind, is it worth the loss of 530 American
lives and 3,000 injuries and woundings simply to remove Saddam Hussein,
even though there were no weapons of mass destruction?
President
Bush: Every life is precious. Every person that is willing to
sacrifice for this country deserves our praise, and yes.
Russert:
But. . .
President
Bush: Let me finish.
Russert:
Please.
President
Bush: It's essential that I explain this properly to the parents
of those who lost their lives.
Saddam
Hussein was dangerous, and I'm not gonna leave him in power and
trust a madman. He's a dangerous man. He had the ability to make
weapons at the very minimum.
For the
parents of the soldiers who have fallen who are listening, David
Kay, the weapons inspector, came back and said, "In many ways
Iraq was more dangerous than we thought." It's we are in a
war against these terrorists who will bring great harm to America,
and I've asked these young ones to sacrifice for that.
A free
Iraq will change the world. It's historic times. A free Iraq will
make it easier for other children in our own country to grow up
in a safer world because in the Middle East is where you find the
hatred and violence that enables the enemy to recruit its killers.
And,
Tim, as you can tell, I've got a foreign policy that is one that
believes America has a responsibility in this world to lead, a responsibility
to lead in the war against terror, a responsibility to speak clearly
about the threats that we all face, a responsibility to promote
freedom, to free people from the clutches of barbaric people such
as Saddam Hussein who tortured, mutilated there were mass graves
that we have found a responsibility to fight AIDS, the pandemic
of AIDS, and to feed the hungry. We have a responsibility. To me
that is history's call to America. I accept the call and will continue
to lead in that direction.
Translation:
We hired Wolfy because a wolf is a predator like a hawk.
Isn't that a great name? Oh, the parents: If I talk long enough
in broad, sweeping terms, they'll get all mushy and patriotic--these
are good Republican-voting military families after all. Isn't Marxian
false consciousness a great thing?
Russert:
In light of not finding the weapons of mass destruction, do
you believe the war in Iraq is a war of choice or a war of necessity?
President
Bush: I think that's an interesting question. Please elaborate
on that a little bit. A war of choice or a war of necessity? It's
a war of necessity. We--in my judgment, we had no choice when we
look at the intelligence I looked at that says the man was a threat.
And you know, we will find out about the weapons of mass destruction
that we all thought were there. That's part of the Iraqi survey
group and the group I put together to look at.
But again,
I repeat to you, I don't want to sound like a broken record, but
David Kay, who is the man who led the Iraqi survey group, who has
now returned with an interim report, clearly said that the place
was a dangerous place. When asked if President Bush had done had
made the right decision, he said yes. In other words, the evidence
we have uncovered thus far says we had no choice.
Translation:
It's not an interesting question at all but you've asked
it to me half a dozen times already and I'm buying time to think
of something new to say. Aw, hell, I'll just repeat myself and keep
passing the buck to Kay while I'm at it.
Russert:
We are going to take a quick break.
President
Bush: Thank you.
Translation:
Thank fucking God.
Russert:
We are going to come back and talk to the President a lot more
about our world and our economy here at home and the presidential
election of 2004. We are in the Oval Office with President George
W. Bush.
(Commercial)
(If
only it had been for Preparation H or Bob Dole hyping Viagra. Pity
they retired the "This is your brain on drugs" fried egg
ad. Prozac, Xanax or Zoloft would also hit the spot--"Are you
feeling blue for no discernible reason?" Or perhaps just Tylenol
XXtra-Strength headache relief horsepills.)
Russert:
And we are back in the Oval Office talking to the President
of the United States.
(No
shit. We didn't get up at 9am on a Sunday morning to hear you talk
to the First Lady about paint colors for the Blue Room.)
Mr. President,
this campaign is fully engaged. The chairman of the Democratic National
Committee, Terence McAuliffe, said this last week: "I look
forward to that debate when John Kerry, a war hero with a chest
full of medals, is standing next to George Bush, a man who was AWOL
in the Alabama National Guard. He didn't show up when he should
have showed up."
President
Bush: Yeah.
Translation:
What campaign? This one's in the bag.
Russert:
How do you respond?
President
Bush: Political season is here. I was I served in the National
Guard. I flew F 102 aircraft. I got an honorable discharge. I've
heard this I've heard this ever since I started running for office.
I put in my time, proudly so.
I would
be careful to not denigrate the Guard. It's fine to go after me,
which I expect the other side will do. I wouldn't denigrate service
to the Guard, though, and the reason I wouldn't, is because there
are a lot of really fine people who served in the National Guard
and who are serving in the National Guard today in Iraq.
Translation:
Like Dan Quayle--he served in the guard in Indiana! Some
of the best drinking days of my. . . Look, rich boys went into the
Guard. If your parents could pull strings to get you out of heading
for a sweaty death in the jungle, wouldn't you expect them to do
it? Wouldn't you do it for your own god-damned kids? My dad, that
wasn't an option in his day, but now, dying in war is strickly (sic)
for the poor. Nice dodge how I said not to denigrate the Guard.
Go, me!
Russert:
The Boston Globe and the Associated Press have gone through
some of their records and said there's no evidence that you reported
to duty in Alabama during the summer and fall of 1972.
President
Bush: Yeah, they're they're just wrong. There may be no evidence,
but I did report; otherwise, I wouldn't have been honorably discharged.
In other words, you don't just say "I did something" without
there being verification. Military doesn't work that way. I got
an honorable discharge, and I did show up in Alabama.
Translation:
I was so fucked up then, I honestly can't remember if I showed up
or not. But records can be manufactured to say that I did, just
in case.
Russert:
You did were allowed to leave eight months before your term expired.
Was there a reason?
President
Bush: Right. Well, I was going to Harvard Business School and
worked it out with the military.
Translation:
Remember, we rich kids got out of the war, period; the Guard was
just a ruse, didn't matter how long we stayed in Just please don't
tie this to a question about our not letting people leave now when
their contracts are up.
Russert:
When allegations were made about John McCain or Wesley Clark on
their military records, they opened up their entire files. Would
you agree to do that?
President
Bush: Yeah. Listen, these files I mean, people have been looking
for these files for a long period of time, trust me, and starting
in the 1994 campaign for governor. And I can assure you in the year
2000 people were looking for those files as well. Probably you were.
And absolutely. I mean, I. . .
Translation:
My handlers personally made sure they were destroyed,
along with my arrest records, well before my first campaign for
public office.
Russert:
But would you allow pay stubs, tax records, anything to show that
you were serving during that period?
President
Bush: Yeah. If we still have them, but I you know, the records
are kept in Colorado, as I understand, and they scoured the records.
And I'm
just telling you, I did my duty, and it's politics, you know, to
kind of ascribe all kinds of motives to me. But I have been through
it before. I'm used to it. What I don't like is when people say
serving in the Guard is is may not be a true service.
Russert:
Would you authorize the release of everything to settle this?
President
Bush: Yes, absolutely. We did so in 2000, by the way.
Translation:
(Yawn) this is old, haven't you got any new dirt? 'Cuz,
if this is all you have for the 2004 election, hell, I don't even
need to show up. We can just hold up a sign: See 2000 campaign.
Wake me when I win, I'll be having lemonade with McKinley. And here
I was worried there might be some real issues from my presidency
that I'd have to answer for. Thank you, media, good little sheep.
Russert:
Were you favor of the war in Vietnam?
President
Bush: I supported my government. I did. And would have gone
had my unit been called up, by the way.
Translation:
Like hell I would but, not like there was any chance of that happening
anyway. Besides, it's one of those lines that sounds good and no-one
can prove me wrong.
Russert:
But you didn't volunteer or enlist to go.
President
Bush: No, I didn't. You're right. I served. I flew fighters
and enjoyed it, and we provided a service to our country. In those
days we had what was called "Air Defense Command," and
it was part of the air defense command system.
The thing
about the Vietnam War that troubles me as I look back was it was
a political war. We had politicians making military decisions, and
it is lessons that any president must learn, and that is to the
set the goal and the objective and allow the military to come up
with the plans to achieve that objective. And those are essential
lessons to be learned from the Vietnam War.
Translation:
Uh, no-one in their right mind would have volunteered
to go to Vietnam, including you, you asswipe, Tim. No-one is going
to condemn me for that, that's a weak-ass attack. I also have to
walk a fine line here between claiming that I supported the war
and would have fought in it, if asked by my country, and not appearing
to whole-heartedly support what has become such an unpopular war.
But I should have kept my mouth shut about politicians making military
decisions and political wars, though. . .
Russert:
Let me turn to the economy.
President
Bush: Yes.
Translation:
Fucking, yes, please, enough on the war already. I thought you
were going to turn to domestic issues after the break, you sly dog.
Russert:
And this is one of my charts that I would like to show you.
President
Bush: I was hoping to see one of them.
Translation:
I was shown this in advance so I would be prepared. Thank you, MSNBC.
Russert:
The Bush Cheney first three years, the unemployment rate has
gone up 33 percent, there has been a loss of 2.2 million jobs. We've
gone from a $281 billion surplus to a $521 billion deficit. The
debt has gone from 5.7 trillion, to $7 trillion up 23 percent.
Based
on that record, why should the American people rehire you as CEO?
President
Bush: Sure, because I have been the President during a time
of tremendous stress on our economy and made the decisions necessary
to lead that would enhance recovery. We'll review the bidding here.
The stock market started to decline in March of 2000. That was the
first sign that things were troubled. The recession started upon
my arrival. It could have been some say February, some say March,
some speculate maybe earlier it started, but nevertheless it happened
as we showed up here.
The attacks
on our country affected our economy. Corporate scandals affected
the confidence of people and therefore affected the economy. My
decision on Iraq, this kind of march to war, affected the economy,
but we have been through a lot. And what those numbers show is the
fact we have been through a lot.
But what
the people must understand is that instead of wondering what to
do, I acted, and I acted by cutting the taxes on individuals and
small businesses, primarily. And that, itself, has led to this recovery.
So, you
show that the numbers kind of I'm not suggesting the chart only
shows the bad numbers, but how about the fact that we are now increasing
jobs or the fact that unemployment is now down to 5.6 percent? There
was a winter recession and unemployment went up, and now it's heading
in the right direction.
The economic
stimulus plan that I passed, or I asked the Congress to pass, and
I worked with Congress to pass, is making a big difference.
Translation:
It's Clinton's fault, decline started under his watch. Or, if that's
not enough, 9/11.
Russert:
But when you proposed your first tax cut in 2001, you said this
was going to generate 800,000 new jobs. Your tax cut of 2003, create
a million new jobs. That has not happened.
President
Bush: Well, it's happening. It's happening. And there is good
momentum when it comes to the creation of new jobs.
Again,
we have been through a lot. This economy has been through a lot,
which is why I'm so optimistic about the future because I know what
we have been through.
And I
look forward to debate on the economy because I think one of those
things that's very important is that the entrepreneurial spirit
of this country be strong and the small business sector be strong.
And the policies I have laid out enhance entrepreneurship, they
encourage small business creation, and I think this economy is coming
around just right, frankly.
Translation:
They're just minimum wage jobs at Wal-Mart, filled by former techies
whose jobs have gone to Asia. Which reminds me, we've got to abolish
that minimum wage. And I'm just going to keep saying that everything
is on the upswing because Americans believe everything I say. Neat
trick, huh?
Russert:
The General Accounting Office, which are the nation's auditors.
. .
President
Bush: Yeah.
Translation:
Fuckin' bean-counters. Everybody's eyes glaze over when those accounting
stuffed shirts do their voodoo number-crunching anyway.
Russert:
. . .have done a study of our finances.
President
Bush: Um hmm.
Translation:
Oh, shit.
Russert:
And this is what your legacy will be to the next generation.
It says that our "current fiscal policy is unsustainable."
They did a computer simulation that shows that balancing the budget
in 2040 could require either cutting total Federal spending in half
or doubling Federal taxes.
President
Bush: Um hmm.
Translation:
I won't be running for re-election in 2040, dumbass.
Russert:
How why, as a fiscal conservative as you like to call yourself,
would you allow a $500 billion deficit and this kind of deficit
disaster?
President
Bush: Sure. The budget I just proposed to the Congress cuts
the deficit in half in five years.
Now,
I don't know what the assumptions are in the GAO report, but I do
know that if Congress is wise with the people's money, we can cut
the deficit in half. And at that point in time, as a percentage
of GDP, the deficit will be relatively low.
I agree
with the assessment that we've got some long term financial issues
we must look at, and that's one reason I asked Congress to deal
with Medicare. I strongly felt that if we didn't have an element
of competition, that if we weren't modern with the Medicare program,
if we didn't incorporate what's called "health savings accounts"
to encourage Americans to take more control over their healthcare
decisions, we would have even a worse financial picture in the long
run.
I believe
Medicare is going to not only make the system work better for seniors
but is going to help the fiscal situation of our long term projection.
We got
to deal with Social Security as well. As you know, these Entitlement
programs need to be dealt with.
We are
dealing with some entitlement programs right now in the Congress.
The highway bill. It's going to be an interesting test of fiscal
discipline on both sides of the aisle. The Senate's is about $370,
as I understand, $370 billion; the House is at less than that but
over $300 billion. And as you know, the budget I propose is about
$256 billion.
Translation:
Reagan showed that deficits don't matter. The most we
spend, the more we can justify cutting entitlement programs to balance
the budget, which is our real goal.
Russert:
But your base conservatives and listen to Rush Limbaugh, the
Heritage Foundation, CATO Institute, they're all saying you are
the biggest spender in American history.
President
Bush: Well, they're wrong.
Translation:
They're right but, as fellow rabid conservatives, they
know this will help strong-arm the public into agreeing to spending
cuts down the line. If not, it won't be my mess to clean up anyway--don't
you get that bit?
Russert:
Mr. President
President
Bush: If you look at the appropriations bills that were passed
under my watch, in the last year of President Clinton, discretionary
spending was up 15 percent, and ours have steadily declined.
And the
other thing that I think it's important for people who watch the
expenditures side of the equation is to understand we are at war,
Tim, and any time you commit your troops into harm's way, they must
have the best equipment, the best training, and the best possible
pay. That's where we owe it to their loved ones.
Translation:
Heh, heh, I invoked the safety of the troops as justification
even though they are still waiting for basic body armor and dying
everyday while their families are on foodstamps. I am good!
Russert:
That's a very important point. Every president since the Civil
War who has gone to war has raised taxes, not cut them.
President
Bush: Yeah.
Translation:
I'm in my element; I can't give a wrong answer for not raising taxes.
Everyone wants to believe they can get something for nothing.
Russert:
Raised to pay for it. Why not say, I will not cut taxes any
more until we have balanced the budget? If our situation is so precious
and delicate because of the war, why do you keep cutting taxes and
draining money from the treasury?
President
Bush: Well, because I believe that the best way to stimulate
economic growth is to let people keep more of their own money. And
I believe that if you raise taxes as the economy is beginning to
recover from really tough times, you will slow down economic growth.
You will make it harder.
See,
I'm more worried about the fellow looking for the job. That's what
I'm worried about. I want people working. I want people to find
work. And so, when we stimulate the economy, it's more likely that
person is going to find work. And the best way to stimulate the
economy is not to raise taxes but to hold the low taxes down.
Translation:
Trickle-down economics worked for Reagan. Didn't it? Didn't it?
Russert:
How about no more tax cuts until the budget is balanced?
President
Bush: Well, that's a hypothetical question which I can't answer
to you because I don't know how strong the economy is going to be.
I mean,
the President must keep all options on the table, but I do know
that raising the child lowering the child credit thereby raising
taxes on working families does not make sense when the economy is
recovering, and that's exactly what some of them are calling for
up on Capitol Hill. They want to raise taxes of the families with
children, they want to increase the marriage penalty. They want
to get rid of those taxes on small businesses that are encouraging
the stimulation of new job creation, and I'm not going to have any
of it.
Translation:
Read my lips: no new taxes until this election is over. And after
that, why should I worry about balancing the budget? What, me worry?
Russert:
We are going to take another quick break. We will be right back
with more of our conversation with the President in the Oval Office,
right after this.
(Commercial)
Russert:
And we are back.
(Please,
put us out of our misery. End this farce before my pancakes make
an unscheduled reappearance.)
Mr. President,
last time you were on the show you said that you wanted to change
the tone in the nation.
President
Bush: Yes.
Translation:
I don't know where you're going with this.
Russert:
This is Time magazine: "Love Him or Hate Him: Why George
Bush arouses such passion and what it means for the country."
President
Bush: Yes.
Translation:
I make such a cute cover boy.
Russert:
Tom Daschle, the Democratic Leader in the Senate, said that
you've changed the tone for the worse; that it's more acrimonious,
more confrontations, that you are the most partisan political president
he's ever worked with.
Our exit
polls of primary voters, not just Democrats but independents in
South Carolina and New Hampshire, more than 70 percent of them said
they are angry or dissatisfied with you, and they point to this
whole idea of being a uniter as opposed to a divider.
Why do
you think you are perceived as such a divider?
President
Bush: Gosh, I don't know, because I'm working hard to unite
the country. As a matter of fact, it's the hardest part of being
the president. I was successful as the Governor of Texas for bringing
people together for the common good, and I must tell you it's tough
here in Washington, and frankly it's the biggest disappointment
that I've had so far of coming to Washington.
I'm not
blaming anybody. It's just the environment here is such that it
is difficult to find common ground. I'll give you a classic case:
the Medicare bill. The Medicare bill was a tough vote, but the Medicare
bill is a bill that a lot of people could have signed on to and
had it not been for kind of the sense of, well, "Bush might
win, we might lose," you know, or "Bush might lose, we
might win" kind of attitude.
And.
but I will continue to work hard to unite the country. I don't speak
ill of anybody in the process here. I think if you went back and
looked at my comments, you will see I don't attack. I don't hold
up people. I talk about what I believe in, and I lead, and maybe
perhaps I believe so strongly in what we are doing around the world
or doing here at home.
Translation:
It's easy for me to lie on these fuzzy questions about
"tone" and they provide a great opportunity to slag off
the Dems for being partisan--thanks, Tim. It almost amazes me that
I have been able to sell my record in Texas as a success but, anyway,
I'm a uniter, not a divider, and I'm gonna keep saying that until
you believe me. Besides, those so turned off by the acrimonious
partisanship that they say "a plague on both your houses"
and stay away from the polls can't vote against me.
Russert:
But around the world, in Europe, favorable ratings Unfavorable
ratings, 70 in Germany, 67 in France.
President
Bush: But you know, Tim, that. . .
Russert:
Why do people hold you with such contempt?
President
Bush: Heck, I don't know, Ronald Reagan was unpopular in Europe
when he was President, according to Jose Maria Aznar. And I said,
"You know something?" He said to me, he said, "You're
nearly as unpopular as Ronald Reagan was." I said, "so,
first of all, I'm keeping pretty good company."
I think
that people when you do hard things, when you ask hard things of
people, it can create tensions. And I heck, I don't know why people
do it. I'll tell you, though, I'm not going to change, see? I'm
not trying to accommodate I won't change my philosophy or my point
of view. I believe I owe it to the American people to say what I'm
going to do and do it, and to speak as clearly as I can, try to
articulate as best I can why I make decisions I make, but I'm not
going to change because of polls. That's just not my nature.
Translation:
You trot out what the Krauts and the Frogs think and
expect me to CARE? Last I checked, they weren't registered to vote
here. I've managed a "gosh" and a "heck" so
far. If I can work in an "aw, shucks," I'm
home-free.
Russert:
Two polls out this weekend show you. . .
President
Bush: See there, you're quoting polls.
Translation:
I'm actually as much a slave to polls as any pol. . . or, should
I say, my handlers are; I'm hardly ever told what they say--but
it's our schtick to pretend we don't live by them.
Russert:
. . .you're trailing John Kerry in both U.S.A. Today and Newsweek
polls by seven and five points.
President
Bush: Yeah.
Translation:
I'm being challenged by Herman Munster. Get real.
Russert:
This is what John Kerry had to say last year. He said that his
colleagues are appalled at the quote "President's lack of knowledge.
They've managed him the same way they've managed Ronald Reagan.
They send him out to the press for one event a day. They put him
in a brown jacket and jeans and get him to move some hay or move
a truck, and all of a sudden he's the Marlboro Man. I know this
guy. He was two years behind me at Yale. I knew him, and he's still
the same guy."
Did you
know him at Yale?
President
Bush: No.
Translation:
You expect me to remember everyone I met in college?
Was I wasted at the time?
Russert:
How do you respond to that?
President
Bush: Politics. I mean, this is-you know, if you close your
eyes and listen carefully to what you just said, it sounds like
the year 2000 all over again.
Translation:
Americans have demonstrated that they like their presidents
dumb so you can't hurt me with that label--in fact, it helps sell
me to the average Joe, who probably smokes Marlboros and can relate
to the Marlboro man more easily than a patrician Harvard/Yale alum.
Russert:
You were both in Skull and Bones, the secret society.
President
Bush: It's so secret we can't talk about it.
Translation:
Nyah-nyah!
Russert:
What does that mean for America? The conspiracy theorists are
going to go wild.
President
Bush: I'm sure they are. I don't know. I haven't seen the (unintel)
yet. (Laughs)
Translation:
It gives me such the cache to be one of the cool kids
who was in a secret club. It's sooo secret I can't even tell you
about it. It's such a secret club--and, let me repeat, only the
really cool kids get to join--that I can hardly even admit it exists,
let alone tell you what we do at our Top Secret meetings in my treehouse,
I mean, at the cemetery, I mean, oops, there is no society and we
did not have any meetings and I did not wear that underwear on my
head, despite the photographs. And no, there is no Skull and Bones
brand on my ass so stop asking.
Russert:
Number 322.
President
Bush: First of all, he's not the nominee, and I look forward.
. .
(WTF?)
Russert:
Are you prepared to lose?
President
Bush: No, I'm not going to lose.
Translation:
No, I'm not going to lose.
Russert:
If you did, what would you do?
President
Bush: Well, I don't plan on losing. I have got a vision for
what I want to do for the country. See, I know exactly where I want
to lead. I want to lead us I want to lead this world toward more
peace and freedom. I want to lead this great country to work with
others to change the world in positive ways, particularly as we
fight the war on terror, and we got changing times here in America,
too.
Translation:
Be afraid, be very afraid. If I don't win, we'll bring
this country to its knees forcing a victory, damn the consequences.
We will win at ALL costs and I mean ALL. There will be no concession,
if we have to wrap the results up in months of litigation and take
it to our pals on the Court again. If the vote doesn't go our way,
we'll make it go our way. Four more years of me -- that's my vision
for America.
Russert:
Biggest issues in the upcoming campaign?
President
Bush: Who can properly use American power in a way to make the
world a better place, and who understands that the true strength
of this country is the hearts and souls of the American citizens,
who understands times are changing and how best to have policy reflect
those times.
And I
look forward to a good campaign. I know exactly where I want to
lead the country. I have shown the American people I can lead. I
have shown the American people I can sit here in the Oval Office
when times are tough and be steady and make good decisions, and
I look forward to articulating what I want to do the next four years
if I'm fortunate enough to be their president.
Translation:
WHEN I will be president. We have no intention of losing. If I repeat
it enough times, the American public will be brainwashed into believing
it: only the hawkish Republicans can protect America from terrorism,
not those wimpy, dove-ish, draft-dodging Dems. Damn, Kerry served
in Vietnam, we'll have to find a substitute for draft-dodging for
this campaign. Dig up some dirt on his service record, find out
that he was a shitty officer and his subordinates tried to frag
'im or somethin'. And he must have fucked somebody that wasn't his
wife, somewhere, sometime. We'll find out when and where and drag
the who into that friendly media glare. I also intend to keep repeating
what a good leader I am. If I say it enough times it will be true!
WHEN I win the election, we'll keep using American power to make
the world a better place for American corporations.
Russert:
Mr. President, we thank you for sharing your views, and I hope we
could come back and talk about issues during the course of the campaign.
President
Bush: Thank you, Tim.
Translation:
Sure, Timmy-boy, I'd be happy to come back and lie s'more,
if my handlers deem that it will help our campaign. Until then,
you and all the rest of the "liberal" (wink) media can
go fuck yourselves. We'll be in touch if we need you to shill for
us. Thank you MSNBC, you know we've got big biz like you by the
short 'n' curlies.
Russert:
That's all for today. We will be back next week. If it's Sunday,
it's Meet The Press.
Translation:
Antacid, please, and a bucket.